Author: Farfaro, Nicolò
[Mazzaferro, Giorgio]
Title: A discourse on
ancient and modern music
Original title: Discorso sopra la Musica Antica, e Moderna
Original title: Discorso sopra la Musica Antica, e Moderna
Source: Rome,
Biblioteca dell’ Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana, MS 36
E 30, f. Ir-62v
[-f.Ir-] A discourse on
ancient and modern music
[-f.IIr-] To Signor
Nicolò Farfaro
Having come to Rome in
this Holy Week for personal devotion, and, having heard that some
extraordinary compositions written artfully in the style of the
ancients were to be sung in the Oratorio di San Marcello, albeit I am
not particularly curious by nature, but considering that anyone who
loves the truth should overlook such an occasion, I went there
[-f.IIv-] with great anticipation.
I saw that the size of
the audience was extraordinary, and I also heard some talking about
the performance, but in different ways, according to their taste and
opinions. Therefore, as I was emboldened to express my opinion on
music, whichever this opinion may be and however little refined, I
saw it fit to convey it to Your Lordship through the present
discourse without a specific plan, thanks to that confidence that
characterised our relationship when we studied philosophy together. I
do this, [-f.IIIr>-] not because I pride myself to know more than
others, but for my personal satisfaction and in order to learn,
since, as Socrates maintained, truth is found by debating against the
opinions of others. However, whenever I may make a mistake, I shall
be obliged as much as I possibly can to those who would have put me
right, while I shall be pleased to have offered the chance to
beautiful minds to show their value, and thus, I kiss your hands. In
Naples, 20 June 1640. Your Lordship's Servant, Giorgio Mazzaferro.
[-f.1r-] Chapter one.
Music is extremely difficult and it can be barely understood by the
most learned.
Since music is very
difficult, it is also very difficult to discuss it, as, therefore,
this can be done only by the most learned, as we read in Diogenes
Laertius' fourth book on Epicurus: “Only the learned can discuss
correctly of poetics and music.” Such difficulty was recognised
also by Vitruvius, book five, chapter four, where he says: “Harmonics
is a kind of musical grammar, obscure and difficult, particularly for
those who do not know Greek, as some of its elements have no
correspondent in Latin.” Macrobius, in the Somnium Scipionis, book
two, chapter one, while considering the minutiae [-f.1v-] of this
discipline that tire the mind in vain, as it is impossible to apply
the in practice, left them aside and said: “The interval of the
Diatessaron consists of two tones and a semitone, but we shall
neglect the small particles that remain in addition in order to avoid
any difficulty.” Moreover, he continues at chapter four: “It is
the mark of a show-off, rather than of a teacher, to pursue Netes,
Hypates and the names of the other strings, as well as the minute
particles of tones and limmas, and to declare which part of the sound
has to be taken as a letter, as a syllable and as a whole name, Nor,
merely because Cicero mentions music in this passage, on this
occasion
one
has to survey the entirety of the treatises that there may be about
music, which are an infinite number, as far as I believe, but one has
to pursue only what those notions through which the words that one
has been entrusted to explain may be made clear, since, in a subject
that is naturally obscure, who exceeds in providing more information
than it is necessary adds to the confusion and does not remove the
complexity of the subject matter. [-f.2r-] Plato, speaking as
Socrates in conversation with Protarchus in the Philebus, illustrates
this difficulty. Socrates: “If one could separate from every art
the skill of counting, measuring and weighing, only something
unimportant would remain of each of them.” Protarchus:
“Unimportant, indeed.” Socrates: “The remainder, therefore,
could be acquired through a certain imagination and sensory
experience, through practice and conjecture, and most say that such
skills achieve all of their power through application and work.”
Protachus: “You draw a necessary conclusion.” Socrates. “Isn't
music full of these? First, it is not the the measure that combines
the strands of musical performance, but skilful conjecture, while the
ability to play pursues the measure [-2v-] of any struck note through
conjecture, since it is imbued with great obscurity and the greatest
stability.” Protarchus. “This is completely true.” In the
seventh book of the Republic, Plato derides those who lose their mind
pursuing such subtleties and minutiae without any apparent gain: “Do
you not know that they do the same with regard of Harmonics? In fact,
while they measure with their ears the sounds and notes that they
hear, and spend time and effort to compare them in vain, they waste
their time as astronomers do. By God, how ridiculously do they handle
and double the number of the thickly populated series of their notes,
they hold their ear close to a string as if were about to hunt the
note itself more precisely from a closer position! Some of them say
that they can hear an intermediate sound between two and that is the
smallest interval, others remain unconvinced, as if [-3r-] they hear
the same sound, while both placing their ears before their
understanding.” “ Do you, in fact,” I said “call useless
those musicians who constantly torture the strings, examine them, and
turn them with their pegs, now intensifying, now reducing their
vibrations?” Daniel Barbaro, in his treatise on Vitruvius, book
five, chapter four, hinted that music is much harder than people
think: “The task of the musical discourse is to speculate and
investigate the relationship between numbers with the addition of
sound. For this reason, we divide music into two main parts, one of
which is subject entirely to the power of rational thinking, of which
Aristoxenus hardly speaks, as it is the part that considers the
value, the nature, the variety and propriety of ratios, and considers
the combinations of sounds and define what cannot be perceived by the
ear because of its inherent subtlety.” [-f.3v-] Mercurius
Trismegistus in the Asclepius appear to want to scare those who have
musical pretensions. “To be knowledgeable in music consists in
nothing but knowing the order of the universe and everything that the
divine reason has organised. In fact, the order of individual things
brought together in unity by the reason of the creator of everything
will produce a kind of divine, sweet-sounding and inherently true
blending of harmonious sounds. Therefore, well aware of the weakness
of my mind and of how dishonourable it is to err in what one
professes, as Cicero wrote in the second book of the Tusculanae: “In
fact, just as, if someone who professes to be a grammarian talked
without respect for the rules of the language, or, if someone who
purports to be a musician, were to sing abysmally, this is all the
more reprehensible, because he errs in the precise field in which he
declares to be an expert.” Worse, who behaves in this way suffers
being accused of being mad, as Cicero himself said in the third book
of the De Oratore: [-f.4r-] “Who can pracise geometry, if he did
not learn it? Who can practise music, if he has not learned it? It
will have to be quiet, or he will not even appear of sound mind.”
Hence, I shall not dare to speak at my own whim, but on the basis of
the reasoning, authority and science of very learned people, by
quoting their own words, which, in my opinion, cannot be
contradicted.
Chapter two. Ancient
music had its own laws, which nobody was allowed to transgress, in
order to preserve its decorum and and of good traditions.
Since the ancient
Greeks professed their love of wisdom and knew how great the value of
music, when practised properly, from what Mercury, Orpheus, Amphion
and others had done in the service of [-f.4v-] human life, held it in
the greatest veneration. Since they knew that music was naturally
pleasing and human nature more prone to evil than to good, and thus
music could be subject to abused by them, as they took more note of
the senses than of virtue, they decided to reduce and restrict it
within precise limits, that were called Nomoi and Laws, so that they
would be observed inviolably, as they did not want anybody to add to
it or alter it in the slightest, for whatever reason, and taking away
from musicians the judgement and capacity to do so by determining
punishments for the transgressors. [-f.5r-] Aristotle, in his
Problems, section nineteen, researched why many melodies are called
laws, but, to end in a song, I shall repeat what Plutarch wrote in
his treatise On Music: “It is true that in ancient times nobody was
allowed, as they are now, to sing to a string instrument, as one
likes, nor could they alter melodies and rhythms, since the specific
harmonies were prescribed in the laws themselves. This is why the
name of laws, as they are called, was assigned to them, since it was
forbidden by law, and almost by song, that anyone should transgress
the single species and form of harmony that characterised each one.”
Also, Athenaeus, book fourteen, chapter thirteen says: “In ancient
time musical decorum was observed and every proper and most apt
adornment to it was achieved according to the rules. For this reason,
there were particular flutes suited to individual modes, and
individual pipes on each flutes, which, especially prepared to
perform [-f.5v-] individual styles of music, performed in musical
contests.” Musicians had to follow such laws inviolably for a long
time, and, if one dared to introduce something new and to add to the
music more than what the laws permitted, was severely punished by a
magistrate. Plutarch writes that the inhabitants of Argos ensured
meticulously that no innovations were introduced by prescribing a
punishment for who contravened this rule: “It is recounted that the
inhabitants of Argos even imposed a fine on those who violated
musical rules, and that they exacted it from the first person who
dared to use more than the seven flutes traditionally used by them
and to allude to the Mixolydian mode.” Also, Herodotus says that,
at the time of Polycrates, the inhabitants of Argos [- f.6r-]
excelled at music: “At the time the inhabitants of Argos were said
to be superior to the rest of the Greeks in the field of music.” It
is certain that great care was taken to prevent music from being
corrupted, as the same author writes: “Among the Spartans the ephor
Eumerpes cut with a hatchet two of the nine strings of the musician
Phrynis, saying that he wouldn't be allowed to pollute Music.” In
the life of Agis, of the same author, we read: “When he was an
ephor he cut nine two of the nine strings that the musician Phrynis
with an axe.” In his pamphlet On moral progress, he says: “When
the Ephors learned that a certain Phrynis, a well known musician, was
adding two strings to the complete number of the seven strings of the
cithara, they asked the magistrate whether he preferred that the
lowest or the highest were cut from the series of the others.”
[-f.6v-] Pausanias, in his third book, reports that the Spartans took
away Timotheus' cithara and hanged it up, after punishing him: “The
Spartans hang up Timotheus' cithara, as they punished him because he
added four additional strings to the seven in the top register of the
old cithara.” Dio Chrysostomus says of the aforesaid Timotheus in
his thirty-second discourse: “I want to tell you a story about the
Spartans, namely, how they behaved towards a citharode then famous
among the Greeks. Because his playing seemed to them too sweet, not
only the did not confer honours to him, but they took away his
cithara, cut its strings and banished them from their city. They
regarded his music with such suspicion and protected their ears so
that their hearing would not be corrupted and they would not become
more enervated than necessary.” [-f.7r-] He adds in his
thirty-third discourse: “Moreover, the ancient Greeks believed that
it was intolerable to alter their music, and they all rumoured
against those who would introduce a new consonance or made their
melodies more varied, as if Greece would be corrupted by these in
their theatres. They protected their ears with such determination and
thought their hearing of such importance that, were musical laws to
be relaxed even a little, they would become effeminate and their
modesty would be negatively affected. For this reason, it is said
that the Spartans, when Timotheus, who was already a famous and
powerful musician, visited them, they took away his cithara and cut
off the strings that he had added to it.” I know that one reads in
Athenaeus, at chapter fourteen of book fourteen, that this Timotheus
defended himself from this accusation: “Artemon, in his first book,
On Dyonisiac system, [-f.7v-] says that Timotheus was seen on a
funeral relief playing an instrument with many strings, called
Magadis, and that he was berated by the Spartans, because he had
corrupted the ancient music. When someone wanted to cut off the
strings that exceeded the traditional number, he is said to have
produced a small statue of Apollo that held a lyre of the same shape
and with the same number of strings as his.” Nevertheless, this
poor musician suffered an unfortunate end, as, while he was singing
one day with the mouth open too widely, one of the listeners threw a
fig into it and he died suffocated.
Chapter Three. That
music has the power to alter the spirit and provoke the emotions. If
it is good inspires the soul to the good, if it is bad to the bad.
[-f.8r-] The ancients
were totally correct in applying so much diligence in preserving
musical decorum, as they knew its power and what influence it has
over the human spirit. Cicero, in the second book of the Laws, could
not but agree with Plato: “I agree with Plato that the easiest way
to influence tender and delicate souls is by singing various
melodies. It is near impossible to say how powerful these are in both
directions. In fact, music infuses languishing and calms those who
are overexcited. It relaxes or stimulate the spirit. Many of the old
Greek cities strived to preserve the ancient way of singing. Once
their morals descended into dissoluteness, they did so just as their
singing style changed, either because they were corrupted by the
sweetness of that kind of singing, as some think, or because, as the
severity of their demeanour decayed because of other vices, [-f.8v-]
similarly the way was prepared for such change in their aural taste,
once their attitude had altered. For this reason, that most wise and
by a long way most learned man among all of the Greeks feared the
spread of such decay. In fact, he believed that musical laws could
not be changed without affecting public laws.” In the third book of
the Laws, Cicero adds: “It is really true what our Plato believed,
namely, that, once the musical style has changed, the condition of
cities also changes.” Saint Augustine, in his essay Against Julian,
in the first book, repeated this assertion, and said: “The soul is
excited and relaxed by music.” Macrobius demonstrated this at
length and with many reasons in his commentary to the Dream of
Scipio, book two, chapter three. Aristotle, in his Politics, chapter
three, said about Olympus' music: “This music, in fact, extracts
the soul and, so to speak, it kidnaps it.” A little later, he adds:
“There are similarities in rhythms and melodies, [-f.9r-]
especially with regard to the true nature of ire, calm, strength,
temperance and of their opposites and of everything that pertains
moral attitudes. It is clear from the resulting emotional state that
we change our mood when we listen to such music.” A little later,
he also adds: “The melodies themselves mirror human emotional
state, and this is the proof: the nature of the modes is distinct, so
that they each inspire different emotions, as the listener does not
react in the same way to each of them, but more languidly and more
collectedly, such as, for instance, to the mode called Myxolydian.
The listener reacts in a more languorous way, according to his state
of mind, to the modes that are more relaxed, but in a more moderate
and very composed manner to others, as one can see in the case
[-f.9v-] the Dorian, alone among the modes, while the Phrygian
abducts and enraptures the soul and almost places it outside itself.”
It cannot be denied that music has the power to incite and placate
the soul, but, what Aristotle says, namely, that it abducts and
enraptures the soul and almost places it outside itself, this is not
true, as wine, more than music, shall be better able to do this. One
should not trust what one reads of Timotheus, or Antigenides, namely,
that while he played the Orthian nomos of Pallas in the presence of
Alexander the Great, he inflamed him so much that he stood up and he
ran to find his weapons in order to fight whomever he came across, as
Plutarch reports in his essay On fortune and virtue of Alexander the
Great: “In fact, Alexander himself once, [-f.10r-] while the
flautist Antigenides was playing the Harmatian nomos, was so
transported and overexcited by his performance that, impatient to
strike in his the clattering armour, he he began to attack those
around him.” However, listen to the Cassius Dio's opinion in his
first speech 'On the kingdom': “They say that when a certain famous
flautist called Timotheus presented a sample of his art for the first
time in front of king Alexander, he performed very competently and
musically, as he was used to do, a melody that was not enervated or
loose, or one that could inspire indifference and laziness, but the
melody itself that was called Minerva's Nomos. They say that, on that
occasion, Alexander stood up abruptly as if possessed by a spirit
prompting him to don his arms, so strongly was he aroused by the
singing of the musician [-f.10v-] and by the melody of the flute.
However, the true reason of this can be found not in the power of
music, but in the king's excitable and raging character. In fact, if
not only Timotheus or another one of the later performers, but not
even Marsias or Olympus himself could persuade Sardanapalus to rise
from his bed and from his women, it seems also plausible to me that
Alexander would not have embraced his arms even if Minerva herself
were to play that very melody, were it possible, but he would have
risen to dance or to run away much in advance.” Cassius Dio was
completely right, as Alexander was of an extremely beastly and
uncontrollable nature, and also always drunk, he was so raging
because of the excessive intake of wine, that his closest friends
could not [-f.11r-] and dare not contain him from committing acts of
outrageous excess. All this was said to represent those very human
habits according to the doctrine derived from Aristotle, a false
philosopher and Alexander's teacher, as anyone, who puts down thick
lenses that enlarge ants to the size of elephants, will be able to
see. I would rate much more highly Antigenides' or Timotheus',
whoever he may be, had they been able to pacify Alexander with their
art.
Chapter Four. How these
laws of music were broken and spoiled, and how musicians acquired the
freedom to compose as they pleased.
[-f.11v-] Although
magistrates applied every rigour and diligence to preserve such laws,
it proved nevertheless impossible to preserve them untouched and to
prevent them from being violated, since human malice, namely, the
musicians themselves for their own gain and the power of the
multitude devoted to sensual pleasures at last destroyed such laws.
Thus, as the prerogative to judge was taken away from learned and
moral persons and fell pray of the populace and of the ignorant
multitude, musicians began to compose according to the taste of the
latter, who not only became so bold as to praise or criticise
particular compositions, but embarked on dictating musicians how to
compose. [-f.12r-] Valerius Maxiums relates, in the seventh chapter
of the third book, that, when the people of Athens asked Euripides to
remove a certain sentence from one of his works, he appeared on the
stage and clarified his thoughts by saying that “he wrote his
theatrical works to teach the audience, and not to learn from it”.
One also reads in the fourth chapter of Athenaeus' ninth book that
Alexandrides, an learned and moral man, was opposed to allow his
works to be altered according to the taste of the listeners, as
others used to do, but he preferred them to abide to parameters of
artistic integrity and for them to be poorly received, rather than
write badly and in a popular vein. In fact, enraged [-f.12v-] by the
ignorance of the populace, he used to throw his works at them so that
they may be sold to spice merchants, disregarding the fact that they
would perish. “Every time he did not win a theatrical contest, he
eagerly put them on the market to be sold as incense, nor did he
correct them, as others did. Thus, he lost many plays that were
really well written, because of his rage against the public.”
How musicians acted in
their own particular interest, so that the judgement on musical
compositions was taken away from learned and moral persons and
ascribed to the people, is explained by Plato in the third book of
the Laws through the words of an Athenian, who [-f.13r-] tells the
Spartan Magillus the reason why musical laws are not observed in the
city of Athens.
Athenian: “My friend,
in our city, the people was not sovereign as a redult of the ancient
laws of a particular king, but, to an extent, it obeyed the laws of
its own accord.”
Megillus: “What
laws?”
Athenian: “The laws
that had been put in place with regard to music, to recollect how
such freedom gradually grew in time. In those days, music comprised
different species and forms. One of them consisted of the songs
called hymns whose function is to placated the gods; another one,
opposite to this one, may be mostly called plaintive songs; [-f.13v-]
another species is the Paean, another one is Dionysus' invention
called dithyramb, and, finally, one other species that established
the laws of the Citharoedi. Specific laws were established for each
species and the abuse of applying the laws of a musical genre to
another was not allowed. However, the authority to judge these
matters and to condemn who contravened the laws was not entrusted to
whistles and to the noises of an ignorant crowd, or the licence to
signal approval to a clapping and noisy mob, which is what occurs
nowadays, but it was deferred to eminent experts in that art. Then,
with the passing of time, the poets themselves became responsible for
a deviation that was alien to music, as, [-f.14r-] despite being
artful, they did not follow sufficiently what was right and lawful in
music, while they lost their mind and indulged in pleasure more than
would have been legitimate and right.
Such poets mixed
funereal chants with hymns and paeans and dythirambs, while they
imitated the sounds of the flute and the kithara, mixing the rules.
Moreover, as a result of their ignorance and beyond established
knowledge, they lied against Music, by stating that it had no
intrinsic rule as what is right or wrong, but whether a musician was
honest and able would be judged most correctly by the pleasure
derived by the listener. Moreover, as they composed poems and had
them performed in public, they rendered the populace so mistaken and
daring with regard to Music, that anyone felt entitled to express an
opinion about it. This caused performances to be punctuated
frequently by shouts, while in earlier times it had been traditional
to watch and listen in silence, as if the audience understood what is
beautiful in art and what is not. The whole matter then decayed from
the authority of the aristocracy to the evil power of the theatrical
mob.
Athenaeus, book
fourteen, chapter thirteen, talks about the sobriety observed by the
Spartans in music, and continues by saying that Music decayed and
became confused and unruly because its rules were no longer observed.
He says: “In those days, choregoi, were not, as Demetrius of
Byzantium tells us in his fourth book on poetry, those who, as it
occurs nowadays, hire a choruses for money, but those who actually
lead the chorus, as the etymology of the word indicates. Thus, the
Spartans devoted themselves to the [-f.15r-] right sort of music and
did not forget its ancient laws. As it happens, the Greeks studied
music from the earliest times, but when confusion arose subsequently,
and almost all of the ancient laws were regarded as obsolete, such
strict adherence to musical laws also decayed, and incongruous
musical styles emerged. Because of these, individual practitioners
began to exchange effeminacy for artistry and a dissolute style for a
modest one, which led to moral corruption. Such decay will deepen
greatly and persist, unless and until someone will lead music itself
to its original and purest splendour.” Alas, Athenaeus spoke the
truth, but there never was anybody who took care [-f.15v-] to rescue
music from such decay and from such disrepute, into which it has
fallen. In fact, from being the most excellent and noble faculty in
the world, it is now regarded as the most abject and lowly, while its
practitioners are covered in shame and abuse, as it shall be shown at
the appropriate point.
Chapter Five. How
learned and reputable persons deplored the miserable state of music
and berated the musicians of their times, damning their corrupt
compositions.
Since music began to be
ruined, spoiled and transformed from its true and honourable nature,
[-f.16r-] it continued to get worse and it reached such a pitiful
state that it became impossible for it to recover. Hence, since the
situation became irredeemable, many felt pained and sorry about it,
and began to blame and reprehend musicians because of the damage that
was inflicted on music. Plutarch, in his essay On music, quotes the
lament composed by the comic dramatist Pherecrates, in which Music
appears on stage as a woman. He says: “At that time, the severe and
serious character of music was rejected, and, instead of a virile,
strong and lofty style approved by the immortal Gods, they introduced
into the theatre a sort of enervated, adulterous and unnaturally
laden with ornaments. [-f.16v-] [signum] Such a great decline befell
music, that the comic dramatist Pherecrates introduced her on stage
as a woman covered in cuts and bruises, followed by Justice, who
asked Music the reason of her battered state. Then, Music uttered
these words: “I will tell you willingly, whenever the strength of
the ire will make it pleasant for me to speak and for you to listen.
Menalippides was the first damage was caused by Menalippides, who
made me weak with twelve strings. The execrable Attic Cinesias ruined
me by inserting six-harmony unmusical turns to my strophes. In fact,
he laid out the double dithyramb and so deceived my feeble mind with
the double use of shields, that I could not tell left from right.
[-f.17r-] But this was not the end of my misery, as Phrynis, who
introduced a sort of pine-cone never known before, adopted restless
recurrent melodic turns, and forced twelve harmonies into five
strings, completely destroyed me. Nor did he regret his crime so
much, that he dud not corrected it voluntarily, were he found guilty.
But, my dearest, it was Timotheus who transfixed me and caused such
extreme wounds. Who is this Timotheus? A Milesian man, a certain
Pirrhias, inflicted infinite blows on me. He surpassed anyone whom I
mentioned earlier in damaging me. He did so, I tell you, by
introducing enervated and seedy modes. He met me while I was walking
alone, he flattened me, he dismembered me and divided me across
twelve strings, [-f.17v-] he twisted me like a cabbage and stuffed me
with Hyperbolean, Hexarmonian and profane melodies, and filled me
with the most empty touching of strings and notes.” These are
Music's words. Aristophanes, the comic poet, mentioned Philoxenus,
and said of him that he introduced lyric verses among the cyclic
choruses. Other comic poets also condemned the absurdity and
indecency of those who had violated the integrity of music.” Dio
Chrysostomus, in his thirty-second discourse, reprehended the
musicians of his time with resentment and in the clearest of terms,
namely: “Drunkenness leads some men to sing and to jump around, but
in our times it is different, as singing produces drunkenness and
stupor. [signum] But, among the Greeks, only you enter this mood
through ears and voice, [-f.18r-] and, moreover, you act more
foolishly than them, are more corrupted and bear greater similarity
to drunken men. And yet, the gifts of Apollo and of the Muses are
sweet and meek. Apollo, in fact, is known as 'The Healer' and as
Aleaxiacon, or Protector from evil, as he provides physical and
mental sanity, rather than illness and madness. The Muses are known
as exceedingly modest and chaste maidens. [signum] In fact, none of
these is Amphion or Orpheus, since the latter was the son of one of
the Muses, while these are born of Amusia, namely, of the very
inability to sing, since they subvert and destroy the solemnity of
singing and mutilating the ancient art of music in any way.
For
among these performers here there is no Amphion and no Orpheus
either; for Orpheus was the son of a Muse,62
but these are unmusical offspring of Disharmony herself, having
perverted and shattered the majesty of song and in every way outraged
the grand old art of the Muses. In fact, who of these can sing a
complete and dignified composition? None. On the contrary, they
[-f.18v-] know how to produce effeminate insults, dance tunes, the
drunken flavour of licentious songs, and, just as bad and
experimental cooks, excite vulgar and greedy listeners with a melange
of incoherent melodies. [signum] Thus, while Amphion founded and
fortified his city with towers with the aid of his singing, such
characters, on the contrary, subvert it and destroy it. While Orpheus
tamed wild beasts and made them musical through his singing,
conversely, such musicians turned you from humans into savage animals
and barbarians, but you have been enslaved by such lowly pleasures to
such an extent that it can be barely described. Maximus of Tyre, in
the fourth Dissertation, illustrates how profoundly the listener
allows himself to be deceived by music badly composed and deployed:
“One can detect fraudsters in every human field, and in the arts
themselves [-f.19r-]: they appear very similar to genuine
practitioners, but they operate very differently. In fact, even
lesser music attracts the listener surreptitiously. When the Dorians,
for the love of dances and of the dirge of the flutes, abandoned
their traditional alpine music among their cattle and herds of sheep,
they tainted destroyed their own virtue.” In the twenty-first
Dissertation, after praising true music, he adds: “Do not bother to
understand the sort of music that is produced by flutes, melodies,
choruses, and dances, and penetrates the soul irrationally, being
highly regarded for no other reason than because of its pleasing the
ear. In fact, the human soul responds to this music because of the
lack of intrinsic virtue, it pursues it [-f.19v-] because it is
attracted by its apparent cheerfulness, but, captivated by its
excessive emotional transport, it deprives real music of its perfect
state. For this reason, as it occurs nowadays, music becomes
physically depleted and, in time, it loses its beauty and its ancient
healthiness. We, on our part, like a dove at times deceived by an
artificial dyed colour perceived as a natural and an original one, we
engage with a false image of music, and we are tricked to believe
that it is the semblance of that Heliconian Muse who was very close
to Homer, Hesiod's teacher, and Orpheus' mother, despite us not
possessing any knowledge of it itself or even of its appearance.
Thus, calamitous consequences are produced for us as a consequence of
this transgression, which endangers the soul both privately and
publicly. [- f.20r-] In fact, once the Dorians who lived in Sicily
abandoned at home the alpine and simple music that they practised
among their cattle and herds, they started to be attracted by the
Sybaritic practice of the flutes and devoted themselves to dances
inspired by the Ionian flutes. That music, to speak of it in the most
positive terms, resolved into fatuous levity; to speak most
sincerely, it resulted in despicable outcomes. Quintilian, in the
sixteenth chapter of the first book of the Institutio Oratoria,
states: “Nevertheless, although I believe that the examples that I
presented already clarify already what music I like and to what
extent I do so, I deem it necessary to specify, however, that the
music that I teach is not the effeminate and enervated in lascivious
ways that we see on our stages, which, by and large, extinguished
what little manly strength we had left, [-f.20v-] but the one that
accompanied the praises of courageous men and was sung by those
valiant men themselves.
Chapter Six. The sort
of music employed by the ancients.
The Greeks, who were
very interested in music and noted that singing was practised
throughout Greece and that it varied according to different
populations and local traditions, restricted music to just three
tones, namely, Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian, as Plutarch stated:
“According to Sacada and Polymnestus, the tones are three, namely,
Dorian, Phrygian and Lydian.” [-f.21r-] These tones had a number
of species depending on them. Thus, the Dorian had the Hypodorian;
the Phrygian the Hypophrygian; the Lydian the Hypolydian; the
Mixolydian the Hypermixolydian, albeit the latter is not universally
accepted. I do not know where these dependent species came from, what
was their nature and in what they differed from the tones from which
they originated, but I am inclined to believe that they differed in
various measures and according to the way in which they mixed with
the other tones. The Dorian took his name from the populations of the
Peloponnese who employed it. As their traditions were more restrained
than those of other peoples, [-f.21v-] their music was also more
graver and more severe. Pliny the Elder, in the fifty-six chapter of
his eighth book, names
Thamyris of Thrace as
its inventor. Plato forsook the Phrygian and the Lydian, and judged
this tone to be appropriate to virtuous and moral persons. Plutarch
confirmed this and concorded: “It is necessary that young people,
whom you would like to educate in the liberal arts, should be
interdicted from both the Lydian and the Phrygian mode, since the
former depresses and saddens the soul with its lamenting and morbid
nature, while the latter excites it to licentiousness and debauchery,
and sends it mad.” It appears, however, that these tones were
largely disregarded in subsequent times, as musicians subdivided
music into three parts or tones, [-f.22r-] namely, Enharmonic,
Chromatic and Diatonic, as Plutarch wrote: “Thus, there are three
parts into which all music is divided by general classification,
namely, the Diatonic, the Chromatic and the Enharmonic.” Macrobius,
in his commentary on the Somnium Scipionis, book two, chapter four,
states: “In music, there are three types of melody, namely, the
Enharmonic, the Diatonic and the Chromatic.” Vitruvius, book five,
chapter four, says: “There are three categories of melodies,
according to the Greeks. They call the first one Enharmonic, the
second one Chromatic and the third one Diatonic. The Enharmonic genus
was abandoned and superseded by the ancients, as it was exceedingly
hard, as the aforesaid Macrobius states, namely, that “it was
withdrawn from use because of its difficulty”. Caelius Rhodiginus,
book nine, chapter three, says that “it died off because of its
excessively esoteric and remote difficulty.” [- f.22v-] Plutarch
condemned the negligence and ignorance of the ancients, as they held
the best and most beautiful of the musical genera in such little
regard: “Nevertheless, the musicians time completely repudiated the
most beautiful and most decorous of the genera, which the ancients
revered because of its gravity and majesty. Consequently, whatever
grasp and understanding of the enharmonic intervals among most, they
became so idle and disinterested that they didn't include the
enharmonic diesis among the types of intervals that can be perceived,
but they banished it from their melodies and songs, while they are
not ashamed to say that those who had regard for the enharmonic genus
and employed it had been wasting their time. [-f.23r-] They believe
that the indisputable proof that their opinion is correct is the
bemusement of their senses, as if whatever escapes their notice could
not rationally be conceived or prove of any use.” They maintain
that this genus was discovered by Olympus, a follower of Marsyas, who
also uncovered the chromatic genus, as he was the first one to
compose Nomoi, or the laws of flute-playing, one of which was called
Crumata. From this genus chromatic music took its name. [-f.23v-] As
this genus is effeminate, enervated and lascivious, it was considered
undignified and infamous, as Macrobius states in the aforementioned
passage: “The third genus is infamous for its enervated nature.”
Caelius Rhodiginus, book nine, chapter three, states that “the
chromatic genus attracted disapproval because of its enervated
nature.” Plutarch mentions that many did not want to employ it:
“The same can be said of Tirtaeus from Mantinea, of Thasillus
Philasius, of Andreas of Corinthus, and of many others whom we know
to have disliked the chromatic.” Nevertheless, despite being of
poor quality, it was very artificial and difficult. Vitruvius, in the
aforementioned fifth book, chapter four, states: “Because of the
subtle artifice and closeness of its components, the chromatic
produces a sweeter pleasure.” Daniele Barbaro adds: “The
chromatic genus is more artificial than the diatonic, [-f.24r-] but
it is practised only by expert musicians. Therefore, most ancient
musicians employed it, as they set out to move the soul and convey
different emotions.” For this reason, Agathon, despite being
criticised for it, introduced it into the tragedy, as Plutarch
recounts in his Problems, in the third tenth, first problem: “At
first, they criticised the superb Agathon, who was the first to
introduce and blend and the coloured or chromatic genus of music into
the tragedy.” It was called chromatic from the Greek word meaning
colour, as Daniele Barbaro himself states: “Chromatic means roughly
coloured, as chroma means colour. Also, since this genus changes like
a colour from its first modulation, hence [-f.24v-] it is called
colour.” The diatonic is the easiest of all, since it is natural,
given that those who are not trained singers burst into song by
themselves in this genus. Daniele Barbaro says: “Of these three
genera, the diatonic is the closest to nature, as it occurs naturally
to anyone who attempts to sing.
Chapter Seven. On the
fact that modern music has a greater number of imperfections than the
ancient one, and that they are much graver.
Music moved from Greeks
to Italy and to the Romans in the state and condition described. The
Romans employed in the same ways and forms solely as an entertainment
for the listeners and with no concerns regarding morality and virtue.
[-f.25r-] Nevertheless, we read that the Romans of the most ancient
times used to sing the praises of the ancient heroes at the table, in
imitation of the Greeks, as Cicero writes in the first book of the
Tusculanae: “In his Origines, Cato states that the partakers to a
banquet used to sing at the table the praises of famous men to the
accompaniment of a flautist.” In the fourth book, Cicero says that
“Cato, the most serious author, said in his Origines that in
ancient times it was traditional that those who reclined at a banquet
would later sing the praises and virtues of famous men to the
accompaniment of the flute.” Also, in his Brutus or On the famous
orators, Cicero states: “Oh we still had the songs that, as Cato
left written in his Origines, were sung by the individual guests of a
banquet on the praises of famous men!” [-f.25v-] This tradition
either lasted a very short time or that kind of singing was no longer
popular. Read Macrobius, third book of the Saturnalia, chapter
fourteen: “Now, to start from that time characterised by excellent
morals, the period between the two punic wars, when noble (should I
say noble?) sons of Senators participated in dances and learned to do
so carrying and shaking the crotala. That the sons and also virgin
daughters of the nobility, which is indecent to say, numbered among
the disciplines that they studied the practice of dance, it is
vouchsafed by Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, who, in his speech against
the Tiberius Graccus' justice law said this: “They are taught
immodest tricks in the company of sodomites accompanied by the harp
and the psalter. They participate in theatrical performance, they
learn to sing, [-f.26r-] practices that more learned minds than ours
considered immoral. I tell you, noble children and virgins take part
in dances alongside degenerate characters. When someone told me about
this, I could not bring myself to believe that noble men would teach
their children such things, but when I was taken to a dance
performance, I saw more than five hundred noble children and virgins
in that performance.” It is, therefore, plausible, or, rather, very
likely, that musical practice continued along these lines until Italy
was conquered by the Longobards. Then, as it was ruled by a barbaric
and savage people, the Latin language was lost, and the arts and
sciences with it. Once such turbulent times were over, [-f.26v-] the
most generous souls applied themselves to rediscover the liberal arts
and the sciences, but, if it took so many beautiful minds such great
study and effort to achieve the result of barely being able to revive
the Latin language, which could not be forgotten, since it was
preserved in so many books, how much harder was it for past ages to
rediscover ancient music, of which no extant example survives? In
fact, following the road that some ancient writers, like Aristoxenos,
Ptolomy, Boethius and others have traced in their writings is
comparable to feeling one's way ahead in the dark, since -f.27r-] we
may well be able to understand the numbers and the harmonic
consonances, but the compositional method is not as easy as many
believe. In fect, a composer is not merely someone who can combine
the consonances in a way that may be pleasing the listeners and
produce the greatest delight, but it is necessary to be able to
compose according to musical propriety, wherein music is defined, as
Augustine did in the first book On Music, as the science of composing
well. A little further on, he added: “Let us discuss first what is
good composition, as the adjective 'good' is not redundant to the
definition.” He adds: “One thing is to compose, quite another is
to compose well. In fact, [-f.27v-] composing refers to any singer
who does not make mistakes in the outline of intervals and sounds,
but composing well pertains to the liberal discipline that is music.”
The first and greatest imperfection of our modern music consists in
the fact that it is sung with inarticulate voice resembling that of a
wild animal, rather than of a reasonable one, as it is well known
that the human voices differs from beastly cries because it is
articulate. It is defined in this way by Diogenes Laertius in the
seventh book: “The voice of an animal consists of air hit by force,
while the human voice is articulate, as it starts in the mind.”
[-f.28r-] In the third book, he states: “There are two sorts of
voice, the animate ones and the inanimate one. The animate one
pertains animate beings, the inanimate one consists of sounds and
noises. The animate voice is further distinguished into word-based
and non-word-based. The former pertains to humans, the latter to
animals.” Therefore, it follows that, as man is an animal endowed
with reason, if he is free of any natural impediment, he must not
produce an inarticulate and non-word-based voice, as an animal would
do, but he must speak in words and articulately, uttering words
articulately whether he reasons, recites or sing. Moreover, since
words consists of syllables that are either long or short, in order
to pronounce them articulately, [-f.28v-] it is necessary to
pronounce them according to their nature without altering their
timing at all, otherwise such alteration would cause the voice to be
inarticulate, while the person uttering the words would be forced, by
a natural impediment, to pronounce the words with a stutter. In the
Bible, when the prophet Jeremiah wanted to show that he could not
utter the words articulately, as his tongue was impeded, he produced
these sounds “A, a, a, My Lord, Lo! I cannot speak”. In the
Exodus, Moses says to God, who had impeded his tongue, hence he could
not pronounce the words as he should have: “[-f.29r-] I beseech
you, Lord, I cannot speak since yesterday and it is the third day
since you spoke to your servant. My speech is slower and my tongue is
tied.”
Chapter eight.
Continuation of the same topic.
Therefore, it is
necessary to conclude that who does not want or cannot enunciate
articulately is a statterer, a mutterer and a mumbler. We have two
styles of singing, one called called chant and another one called
figured melody. The sort of singing that requires the singer to
divide a syllable across the mouth with many melodic turns upwards
and downwards for a considerable time
[-f.29v-] is something
so monstrous that it does not resemble human singing, but animal
screeching.
It seems to me that Dio
Chrysostom's words in the thirty-fourth homily would be well suited
to such sort of singing: “Moreover, it would be terrible if men
sometimes imitated the sound of sheep, of cows, of horses or dogs.
[signum] Such an unusual event would not be as monstrous and
despicable as when someone who is a man and displays the character of
a man, being incapable to erase a man's voice and the natural
features of his nature, is discovered producing a voice that is not
of a man, of a woman or of any other living being.” Such disorder
occurred because who composed that melody did not know, as Saint
Augustine said, “how to compose well”, with due attention to the
words, and not concentrating singly to join together [-f.30r-]
endless chains of notes dreamed-up according to his whim, with the
intention of submitting the words to the melody, which would snake
around and be distorted according to the pitches and the note values
employed. He did not know that Plato, in the third book of his Res
Publica, disapproved of this way of composing and taught that music
fit in with the words, rather than the words with the music: “Melody
and rhythm must follow the words.” He repeats the concept a little
further on: “In fact, rhythm and melody, as I stated a little
earlier, follow the words instead of the words themselves following
rhythms and melody.” Plutarch expressed this idea very well: “It
is always essential for three basic elements to hit
[-f.30v-]the ear, namely, pitch, rhythm and word or syllable. In this
way, the correct modulation of the voice will be made clear by its
progress, the rhythm by the duration of the notes, and the meaning of
what is sung by the syllable and the letters.” This does not occur
in our way of singing, as, since so much time passes from one
syllable to the next, it becomes very difficult to grasp the words.
Almost the same thing occurs in the other sort of singing, which is
inaccurately called figured singing, as it was shown above in the
discussion on the chromatic genus. Thus, one can see clearly that
this kind of figured singing was invented to resemble instrumental
music, in such a way that several voices singing together reproduce
the effect of the strings of an instrument, since some sound more
slowly, and others more rapidly. [-f.31r-] Therefore, one of the
singers has to sustain the voice for several beats, while another one
has to move forward briskly without paying any attention to the
syllables and to the words, thus producing an exceedingly great
whispering and confusion. In fact, if one sings a piece of prose, it
is left mangled and crippled, while, if one sings a passage in verse,
it ceases to be a poem, as its prosody is entirely destroyed. But,
not only composers maintain that the murdering of the poem that the
commit is acceptable, but they boast of having endowed it with a most
noble air. At other times, when they are not capable to attach to the
poem those notes of theirs, they blame the poets treating them as
ignorants. As proof of this, [-f.31v-] I shall put forward the
example of a composer who, amongst others, believed himself to be a
great learned so-and-so, namely Stefano Landi, who, in a letter
published in his second book of airs and signed Angelo Ferrotti, he
wrote these words, as if he were the head communication officer of
Parnassus: “I do not want to omit to mention a curious fact on this
matter, namely, that there is no good poet or, if he is, he does not
want to be, whose stanzas can be sung on the air of the first stanza,
the reason being that, where in the first stanza they wrote short
syllables at the beginning of the verse or in the middle of it, in
the same place of the second stanza [-f.32r-] they have written long
syllables, and vice versa. Such verses seem to me to be measured with
a thread, rather than according to the quantity of the syllables. I
strongly believe that poets should scan the verses that they write to
be set as ariette in the same way as when the write Latin verse, as
they would succeed without fail. It has happened to me, on occasion,
to sing words written by most excellent poets to be set as ariette,
and to have to do one of two things, namely, either mangle cruelly
the melody, or, mangle the air insultingly.” Such shower of words
wide of the mark does not correspond to the facts. In the first Aria,
[-f.32v-] the first verse has eight syllables. It is not measured
with a thread, but it is entirely perfect, thus: Ò di glorie chiara
prole. However, I don't know the musical rule on the basis of which,
despite the fact that the verse has eight tempi or percussions, as
one may wish to say, he lengthens it to the number of twenty-two, as
he has it sung in this way: O o o o o di glo o o o rie chia a a a ra
a a a prole. Who will ever be able to recognise in this melody any
semblance of verse? How did it happen that this famous composer, who
commands the poets to scan the verses in such a way that they may be
measured so as to avoid to mangle both melody and poetry, [-f.33r-]
how did it happen that he crippled so cruelly the air of this verse
and mangled so injuriously its poetry? Giovita Rapicius, in his De
numero oratorio, laughed madly at such kind of compositions and airs
with good reason, and said, in the first book: “However, some of
the prosody experts, who are commonly called composers and singers,
neglect the quantity of the syllables and their feet, because, when
they sing, they produce long syllables instead of short ones and vice
versa. They limit themselves to observing the sequence of the length
of the notes, so to speak, and their proportional values, and,
whichever way the structure of the melody requires it, they
anticipate or lengthen, calling this metric that they created an
air.” In the second book, he states: [- f.33v-] Words will not do
that, as they cannot be enlarged or reduced, nor can they be
lengthened or shortened against the practice of the poets, as
nowadays is common occurrence at the hands of composers.”
Chapter nine. The same
topic continues.
There is no doubt at
all that a verse does not lose its prosody, and, consequently, its
being a verse must be set by the composer according to its nature,
otherwise he makes makes an aesthetic mistake and offends the ears of
the listeners, since it is entirely true what Cicero writes in the
Orator, namely, that, even if one is not a poet [-f.34r-] and cannot
compose in verse, nevertheless one can judge very accurately if a
verse is badly written with a greater or smaller number of syllables
than it should have: “If a syllable in a verse is longer or shorter
than it should be, the audience clamours, not because they know about
feet and prosody, or because they understand what offends their ears,
but because nature itself in our ears placed the ability to judge
length and shortness of sounds and the pitch of the notes.” In the
third book of the De oratore, Cicero says: “Everyone is moved not
only by words artfully laid out, but also by prosody and pitch. How
many [-f.34v-] master the art of prosody? But, if there is something
a little wrong in this, or if something is made shorter by
contraction or longer by extension, the audience clamours en masse.”
He states a little further on: “If there is a mistake in a verse,
the populace notices it.” Saint Augustine demonstrated this in the
first book of his music treatise: “Thus, in a verse that delights
you when you hear it, if in a part of it the syllables are lengthened
or shortened where the organisation of the verse itself does not
require it, will you not derive the pleasure from that section?
Student: More than that. I shall not be able to hear it without
feeling affronted.” Here, he produces the example of Virgil's verse
Arma uirumque cano Troiae, qui primus ab oris. Student: “I cannot
but admit that I am offended by an indescribable [-f.35r-] kind of
ugliness of sound. Teacher: It is not an outright offence. In fact,
albeit there's no trace of barbarism, a defect has been introduced
that both grammar and music condemn: grammar, because the words whose
last syllable has to be lengthened, it has been placed in a position
where such a place where it had to be shortened; music also, because
any note was extended where it should have been shortened, and the
appropriate length was not supplied where prosody required it.”
Nobody should be surprised that grammar is absolutely essential to
the composer, to such an extent that nothing good can be achieved
without it. Quintilian, in the first book of his Institutio Oratoria,
chapter sixteen, says: “Grammar [-f.35v-] and music were once
connected, since Architas and Aristoxenus even thought that grammar
was subordinate to music. Not only Sophron (a certain writer of
mimes, but one that Plato admired to such an extent that it is
believed to have had his books under his head on his deathbed) showed
us that both were teachers of both subjects, but also Eupolis, in a
work of whom Prodamus teaches both music and literature, and Maricas,
who is Hyperbolus, states that he knows anything about music but the
letters. Even Aristophanes shows in several of his works that
children were educated in this way in ancient times.” Moreover,
according to Gellius, book seven, chapter two, [-f.36r-] On the
consonance of letters, states: “A vowel placed at the end of a
verse that matches the first one in the following verse gradually
produces a pleasant and musical hiatus.” He then quotes that verse
by Catullus, Ebriosa acina, ebriosiores, and says that “he wrote
ebriosa because of the pleasant sound produced with the following
letter”, as if to say that certain encounters of vowels were
avoided because they were not euphonious. Athaenaeus, book two,
chapter four, states: “The Dorians pronounced san instead of s, as
musicians, such as Aristoxenus, avoided the repetition of the letter
s, because its pronunciation is harsh in their music and it does not
go well with the sound of the flute, but they used the letter r more
liberally when singing, because of the ease of its pronunciation.
[-f.36v-] Nor let it be said that such fashion of singing Italian
verses in our age, since they do not consist of metric feet, unlike
Latin verses, does not offend the listeners, but, on the contrary, it
pleases them greatly, and that this befalls learned and ignorant
listeners alike, because they do not take notice of it and pay little
attention to the verses, as they concentrate on the music and pay
attention to it, namely, to the consonances, to a good voice and to
its appropriate lay-out. This, however, does not excuse the composer,
who is obliged to compose with due respect to the rules of his art.
Saint Augustine compares to beasts both the singers, [-f.37r-] who,
without consideration for the words, aim only to please with their
voice, and the listeners, who delight only in the sound of the voice,
disregarding the words that are sung. In the first book of his
treatise on music, he states: “Tell me, please, do all of these not
resemble, in your opinion, those nightingales, as they sing while
being led by their senses, and they do so melodiously and sweetly,
but, if they are asked about the rhythms and the intervals of higher
and lower notes themselves, they cannot answer? Teacher: Do you not
think that those who listen to them with pleasure without such
knowledge, just as we see that elephants, bears and animals of
several other species [-f.37v-] are drawn to singing, while birds
themselves enjoy their own voices, as they would not do so
disinterestedly without a certain pleasure, since they seem to derive
from it no other advantage, do you not think that they should be
compared to sheep? Student: I think so.”
Chapter ten. On
accents.
The observance of
accents is absolutely necessary in music. The composers of our time,
however, take no notice of them at all, because, as it was said, they
demand the words to be the servant of their notes. Whether they are
sung well or badly, they do not care, hence, one cannot hear in their
compositions [-f. 38r-] anything but a mangling of syllables that
turns the long ones into short ones and vice versa. Who could
withstand pronunciations such as saeculà, glorià, dominò,
principiò, and, conversely, saecùla, glorìa, domìno, principìo,
and so on? As Donatus writes in the second book, the word accent
derives from the Latin verb accinere, because it is “a sort of
singing of each syllable”. It is also called, in particular, soul
of the voice, since it moderates both the voice and the
pronunciation. The ancients called them with different names, such as
toni and tenores. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, book one, chapter
nine, states: “It is even harder to keep a close eye on the
mistakes of the tenores [-f.38v-] (which, as I discovered, were
called tonores by the ancients, evidently, from the Greek word tonos)
and of the accents, called prosody by the Greeks, which occur when
the acute and grave accent are confused erroneously.” The voice is
regulated by accents, and it is sweetened in its projection, as
nature placed them in the voice, as Cicero says in the Orator: “The
voice has a certain wonderful nature, since such great and sweet
variety is accomplished by just three accents, the acute, the grave
and the circumflex.” Moreover, what perfect variety can be heard in
vocal compositions [-f.39r-] that do not observe at all the correct
placement of accents? Also, albeit the verse begotten together with
music itself, nevertheless, as the singing of prose was introduced in
church, one must not ill-treat the practice of singing, particularly
when the honour of God is at stake, by composing in a way that is not
only suitable to the dignity of the Church and of the divine service,
but, as we shall say at the appropriate point, by taking care not to
muddle up the words by linking them and messing them up together, as
in this example: Patrem omnipoten, tem facto, rem cae, li et
[-f.39v-] ter. rae uisibi, lium om, and so on. Such a method would be
bearable, as it respects the metric feet, in the case of Latin
verses, but it is totally intolerable in the case of prose. Musicians
lauded Palestrina as a most excellent composer. One thing is to
consider a composer's ability to combine the consonances, but to
assess whether a composition is well-made or otherwise according the
the axis of music, is quite another. In fact, as we have seen that
Saint Augustine says that one thing is to compose, quite another is
to compose well, and as we shall see with regard of the singing that
must be employed in church, one must not compose badly, and, if one
does not know how to compose well, one must [-f.40r-] learn how to do
it. David, the saint and prophet, by saying “sing skilfully”,
invited everyone to sing the Lord's praises, but in the appropriate
manner Cassiodorus commented on those words in this way: “We must
sing praises not only with our voices, but with our minds, as nobody
can do anything wisely and artfully, if one does not understand it.”
Chapter eleven. On the
recitative style.
I have no idea why our
composers call their way of writing recitative style when they take
some verses and dress them up with those notes of theirs, without any
consideration to [-f.40v-] their character, as per their usual
practice, but raising and lowering the voice at a whim without
knowing why they do so. The recitative style occurs when poet reads
his own poem, as an epic poet does, who tells as story with his
verses. As they are written with harmonic measure, they are naturally
imbued with harmony, and the poet who recites them declaims them with
arsis and thesis, so that it is said that the reciting poet sings.
For this reason all the epic poets, who write either in Latin and in
Italian, state that they sing, and, albeit this is not a fully
fledged form of singing, [-f.41r-] nevertheless, such prosodic and
harmonious recitation is a third way between ordinary speech and
singing with intervals and inflections of the voice. Varro, in his
sixth book, maintains that the verse called carmen by the Romans
derives etymologically from the verb cano. Thus, Virgil, in the sixth
book of the Aeneis, portrays Aeneas asking the Sybilla, who gave her
responses in verses, not to just write them down on leaves, but to
sing them to him herself: “Do not entrust your predictions to the
leaves, so that they may not fly away disbanded at the mercy of fast
blowing winds. Pray, sing them yourself.” Daniele Barbaro, in his
commentary to Vitruvius, book five, chapter four, [-f.41v-] on the
subject of the continuous voice, states: “Then the voice moves in
such a way as to appear distinct and proceeding from one degree of
pitch to another with separate and determinate steps. In this case,
it is named distinct, from the effect that it produces, and melody,
from its application, as it is employed by those who sing or recite
poems. In fact, when we sing or recite, we offer the opportunity to
our senses to discriminate between the notes by raising and lowering
the voice, and by completing sentences clearly and starting over
again.” One must be warned, nevertheless, that reciting verses and
singing verses are quite different things. Thus, we read that
Augustus Caesar said to someone: “ If you are reading, you are
singing , but if you sing, you sing badly.” [-f.42r-] Caelius
Rhodiginus, book nine, chapter five, wrote this as a commentary on
that saying: “Now, since we clarified a little earlier an obscure
passage in Quintilian's work, and the conversation is on the subject
of music, do let us hurry on to explain another passage, a little
more obscure, of that same author. These are Quintilian's words,
taken from the first book. Let the reading voice be manly and
authoritative, but with a certain sweetness, not close to prose, as
it is a poem, but not dissolved into a sing-song. We have learned
that Caius Caesar, when he was still a boy, said with utterly good
reason: “If you are singing, you sing badly. If you are reading,
you are singing.” If one does not consider these words more
profoundly, and if one does not weigh them up more exactly, one will
certainly [-f.42v-] not be able to penetrate the meaning of this most
noble of authors and will be left with the desire that they should be
explained, as one says, with greater clarity. Thus, as we have done
in the case of other authors, and we shall do again, from now on we
shall add here what our silent teachers suggested to us. Thus, we
read that every utterance is either continuous or interspersed with a
pause. It is continuous when, while reading a piece of prose or a
speech, we pronounce the words in a percussive way, so that the voice
then proceeds at pace and hurries, without lingering over high or
lower sounds, but connects everything quickly, as the application of
the voice works by explaining the meanings and expressing the words.
The sustained voice that we employ while singing is defined as
diastematic or interspersed with pauses. In this case, [-f.43r-] we
do not concentrate on the single words, but on groups of words. What
happens is that the voice moves more slowly and, by modulating
different sounds, it produces a kind of pause, which is not silence,
but, rather, the consequence of a sustained and slower melody. To
these two varieties, as Albinus believes and Boethius also confirms,
a third variety is added, which may include utterances half way
between the other two. This occurs, for instance, when we read heroic
poetry, namely, not as a continuous reading in the style of prose,
nor in the manner of a sustained and slower voice, as in the case of
a song.
Chapter twelve. On the
musical air.
Our composers are also
mistaken in the compositions that they call airs, as they believe
that their tasks consists in matching [-f.43v-] the notes with the
words in the way in which their fancy dictates to them whispering
them in a mumbled way. Thus, they are far removed from knowing the
music within the verses themselves, as if, as the element of the
musical air is pliable and soft, equally, the musical quality of the
verses were similar to wax, which may be moulded to their preferred
shape. Hence, they are gravely mistaken, because each verse carries
within itself its own air, according to the prosody and form chosen
by the poet, so that we can see that the air of an hexameter is
different from the one of a iambic verse, just as that of a sonnet,
of a [- f.44r-] madrigal, of an ottava, and so on, are all different
from each other. Such variety is of the sort that we found in the
works of Horace, which contain many sorts of verses and many
different airs. Therefore, the musical airs that are not are the
service of the verse are no airs at all, but mad muddle of notes. I
believe that Virgil, when he has Lycidas say “I remember the meter,
if only I remembered the words!” in the ninth Ecloga, he meant
nothing else that Lycidas did not remember the verses, but only their
air. Ludovico Zuccolo, in his Discourse on the reasons of the meter
in the Italian verse, chapter sixteen, said that the verse must carry
the meter, which is its own air, by itself, [-f.44v-] and must not
expect it to be supplied by the melody, and, although some verses are
written specifically to be sung, nevertheless they themselves must
carry their meter. [signum] A verse that has no meter of its own, but
derives it from the music, must be correctly defined as a verse,
whether it is recited or sung.
Chapter thirteen. On
beating time.
The silly and
ill-concerted malpractice of singing by disfiguring the syllables
with notes of so many and so different durations has produced a
nonsense of such kind that, [-f.45r-] were the ancient able to
witness it, they would be roaring with laughter. This consists in the
practice of beating time for singers by lifting and lowering the
hand, which is called beating time. Many musicians of our time have
philosophised on the matter, writing books and arguing as the beat
starts when the hand is up or down, namely, when it is lifted or it
is lowered. Such practise was unknown to the ancients, whose melodies
were regulated by the length of the syllables and of the metric feet.
Nor did they have choir directors who altered the length of the
syllables, the prosody, or the meter of the feet according to their
whim. Thus, the rhythm could be heard clearly. [-f.45v-] Because of
the continued practice of prosody and measured verse, it occurred
that voices and instrumental players were so skilled that they did
not require to measure and beat time. This is what Hesiodus meant in
the first book of the Works and Days, On choral dances: “The ears
and the hands are used to measure this movement”. Horace, in his
Ars Poetica, states: “We understand artfully regulated sounds
through our fingers and voice.” This means that they were so
familiar with singing and playing, that they had the hand ready to
play, and the voice ready to sing. Tibullus, book three, elegy four,
says: “He produced a cheerful song from his resounding lips, while
he played with an ivory [-f.46r-] plectrum. But after fingers and
voice had spoken at the same time […].” This passage proves
clearly that, in ancient times, the syllable, the percussion of the
accompanying sound and the voice of the singer occurred all together
at the same time. But, since someone may think that the ancients used
the beating of time in their vocal compositions, on the basis of
Livy's words, first deca, book seven, where, talking about Livius
Andronicus, he states: “From that time, it became usual for the
canticum to be sung by someone else nearby for the actors,
while only the dialogues were left to be sung by the actors' voices.”
In order to understand this passage, it is necessary
[-f.46v-] to consider the passage immediately preceding, recounting
that Livius Andronicus, who used to recite himself his works, lost
his voice by an unlucky accident, and, after apologising to the
audience, had a servant sing what he should have himself sung. Thus,
as he was free from the task of singing, he was able to act out what
was being sung: “After he positioned a servant in front of the
flautist to do the singing, he performed the [-f.47r-] canticum
with more vigorous actions, because the act of singing itself did not
impede him.” These words make clear that he was able to perform his
verses with greater ease, since he was not preoccupied with his own
singing. This is more readily explained by what Valerius Maximus
wrote in his second book: “He placed a slave singer in front of the
flutes and performed the actions silently.”
Chapter fourteen. On
the tones and on what they are.
I believe that the
ancients had three tones, which were, [-f.47v-] as Plutarch writes
in his treatise on music: “[...] since three are the tones in
music, Dorian, Phrygian and Lydian.” A number of other dependent
tones derived from these, as it was said in chapter six. I do not
think that any trace of them has survived to our times, since the
ancients had no equivalent to what we call tones nowadays. Nor can I
imagine why one would say that the first tone starts on d sol re and
is called Dorian, the second one on a re, and is called Hypodorian,
the third one on e la mi, and is called Phyrigian, the fourth on
[sbq] mi, and is called Hypophrygian, the fifth one on F fa ut, and
is called Lydian, the sixth one on c fa ut, and is called [-f.48r-]
Hypolydian, the seventh on g sol re ut, and is called Mixolydian, and
the eighth one on d sol re, and is called Hypermixolydian. Since the
ancients never knew what ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la are, nor modern
musicians know what the Dorian, Lydian and Phrygian modes are, I
believe that it is necessary, in order for someone declare oneself
knowledgeable in this matter, that one should acquire such knowledge
by considering its causes. Glareanus, commenting on these words from
the sevenths Ode from Horace's third book: “You, lyre, capable to
speak with your seven strings”, after a series of preliminary
observations, says: “I believe that those seven strings, or flutes,
or different notes, are none other than the famous seven species of
the Diapason, [-f.48v-] which the ancients called modes or tropes.
Our contemporaries, quite incorrectly, refer to them as toni. Such
species occur in Mercury's trichord, in Orpheus' tetrachord, as well
as in some later string instruments, as well as in the kithara of
twenty-four strings, which sustain the whole of the melody, in the
same way that prosody supports the verse. Such modes start with the
Proslambanomene and end on the Paranete. Ptolomy added an eighth mode
from the Mese to the Nete Hyperboleone, which was, in fact, the same
as the first one, which ran from the Proslambanomene to the Mese, in
order to complete the Disdiapason system from the Proslambanomene to
the Nete Hyperboleon. However, in order to ascribe some merit to our
age, the modes are seven, and run from the low A to the high g,
[-f.49r-] while, obviously, the seven species of the Diapason run
from the seven lower letters, namely, A,B,C, D, E, F, G, to the seven
more acute ones. a, b, c, d, e, f, g. Moreover, there is no melody
capable to be played on the cithara or other instruments, that does
not fall under one of these seven modes. Although such explanation is
clear, and even too long-winded, for those who are knowledgeable in
these matters, nevertheless they jingle in vain to the ears of those
who are inexperienced in this art. However, were I to try to every
silly detail, I would need to fill with them a whole separate book.
Boethius, in the fourth book of his Music, chapter four, discusses
the modes in learned fashion: “In fact, I do not see why those that
are called the eight tones in our time are called thus, since the
recent eighth one is of the fourth species of the Diapason, but
divided arithmetically, rather than harmonically. However, were one
permitted to number [-f.49v-] the modes in that way, they will be, as
we said, no fewer than twelve, and will be even fourteen, if the
second and sixth species of the Diapason were allowed to be divided
both harmonically and arithmetically.”” The same author said this
on Horace's words in the ninth Epode: “while the lyre and the
flutes sing their melodies, the former in the Dorian mode, the others
in a foreign style.” He states: “Everyone, who knows that the
tropes or modes are seven, also knows that the diapason are seven,
and range from the seven largest letters to the seven smaller ones.
In our age, they are called the seven essential letters. Moreover,
there are three modes, the Dorian, the Phrygian and the Lydian, which
have as subordinate three other ones, namely, the Hypodorian, the
Hypophrygian, and the Hypolydian, which share the constitution of
their diapente.”
[-f.50r-] Nevertheless,
I cannot see how those that are called modes in our age have any
correspondence with the ones of the ancients, nor do I see any
composition that is built on the tones of the ancients.
Chapter fifteen.
Whether it is easy to reform the style of singing in our days and to
imitate the one of the ancients.
Ancient musicians had
much greater opportunity to innovate and introduce new ways in music,
compared with musicians of our age. Verses, in fact, consists of
feet, and thus, by inventing new feet, new verses were created, and,
consequently, new rhythms. [-f.50v-]
Ibycus invented the verses called Ibyci after him, Sappho invented
the Sapphic verse, Hipponax the Scazon, Praxillas the Praxillian,
Alcman the lyric verses, Arion the dithyramb. Anacreon a sort of
barbyton, different from the earlier one that only had three strings,
and he added more strings to the magadis, bringing them to a total of
twenty-one. He played on it in the Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian
harmony, but only separately and on seven of aforementioned strings.
Iasus followed Olympus' system, added many new notes and divided the
tone into smaller particles. Menalippides exceeded the boundaries of
Terpander's music, [-f.51r-] and introduced innovations, particularly
in the dithyrambs. Cynesias and Timotheus were also innovators, and
the latter added a tenth and eleventh string to the lyre. Archebolus
invented a kind of verse named Archebolaeus after him. Amphion was a
student of Tantalus, king of the Lydians, and he added three more
strings to the four of the lyre. The second Linus invented the
threni. Midas, king of Phrygia, student of Orpheus, composed a lament
for the death of his mother, which he called elegos, which produced
the elegy. Philammon invented the Nomoi, or Laws of the cithara,
albeit some ascribe this to Terpander, and invented the instrument
called chorus. Olympus, a pupil of Marsias, [-f.51v-] composed
Nomoi, or Laws of the flute. Kepion created a king of lyre called
Asian lyre. Archilocus invented the pentameter and the foot called
the paeon. Polymnestus composed two Nomoi for the flute, one called
Polymnestus, after him, and the other called, similarly, Polymnesta.
It is said that he composed the Orthius Nomos, different from
Terpander's, and sung on the cithara. Sacadas composed the tripartite
Nomos, which consisted of three sections, a Dorian strophe, a
Phrygian antistrophe, and a Lydian epodos. Mercury invented the lyre,
Apollo the cithara, Tyrrenus the tuba, or trumpet, Ardals the flute,
although others ascribe it to Pallades. Boethius says that they
invented a small kithara. Plutarch wrote thus [-f.52r-]
about those innovators: “It appears that Olympus contributed to the
progress of music by introducing something that had been unheard of
until that day and was unknown to those who came before him. He was
also a leading master composer of that most renown Greek musical
tradition. There is also a theory of rhythm, which is well defined.
In fact, not only a variety of unaccompanied rhythms was invented,
but also new forms of artful rhythms underpinning melodic sounds. The
innovation introduced by Terpander introduced something elegant in
music, which later Polymnestus also did, while adhering to a
similarly noble and elegant form. Equally, Thaletas and Sacadas were
considered excellent and near perfect creators of rhythms, while they
did not renounce to that elegant [-f.52v-] and noble stylisation.
Other innovations introduced by Alcman and Stesichorus did not vary
from a noble, decent and restrained style. However, Crexus, Timotheus
and Philoxenos, and the poets of that period, who were rather morose,
overbearing and thirsty of revolutionising music, pursued the kind of
and form of music that is called nowadays philanthropic and
thematic.” Plutarch, wanting to show that the compositions of the
ancients were characterised in noble, virile and appropriate ways,
continues: “In fact, if one were to consider ancient and
contemporary music, one would find that variety was employed even in
those times, since the ancients [-f.53r-]
employed a a vast
array of rhythms, a sort of variety that is even greater than ours
and that was highly regarded.” There is a wonderful sentence in the
prologue of Terence's Formio, which says: “Everyone who practices
music is free to compete to achieve the highest accolade.” Nobody
should despair to achieve it, but, those who pledge to make progress
in music, should start to reflect on the Horace's teaching in his Ars
Poetica: “Choose a subject, you who write, that is compatible with
your abilities, and consider long and hard about what your shoulders
would be strong enough to carry, and what they would decline to do.”
Maximus of Tyre, in his fifteenth dissertation, illustrates [-f.53v-]
how those who want
to progress in musical composition, and to achieve praise by
introducing innovations, they easily deceive themselves, as they let
themselves be distracted from the virility and decorum of true music
by the pursuit of pleasure. He says: “If someone happens to
encounter an intemperate speech, whose deceit one does not grasp,
while being delighted by its pleasantness, and one is distracted
gradually by the constant familiarity with such delight, such person
resembles those sailors, who, not propelled by any wind from behind,
and made to deviate from their course while gliding on a quiet sea,
they are diverted to the most desert shores and hit the most
difficult rocks. Similarly,
[-f.54r-] it occurs that those who once entrust themselves to such
dishonesty, firstly they incur insidious ignorance, then, in their
search for pleasure, they are carried to places more desolate than
any shore and harder than perilous straits, while they embrace their
own deceit and rejoice in the blandishment of their soul. In this
matter, they are very similar to those afflicted by a fever, who
indulge in food and drink against the law of medicine. Thus, they
invite evil after evil and they make their illness worse, while they
prefer to contract an illness by pandering to themselves, rather than
recover their health by means of a strict regime.” He concludes:
“Albeit it is necessary[-f.54v-] to add a little pleasure to entice
the listener, thus I would myself allow it, as long as within the
limits of the music of the trumpets that incite the regiments to
battle. If it is of this kind, it will excite the spirit. We need, in
fact, the sort of pleasure that, while maintaining its power, it does
not carry with itself anything shameful. I require the sort of
pleasure to which virtue would not bow, but lead it as an assistant.”
Chapter
sixteen. The same subject continues.
Plutarch
gave sound advice to musicians, when he said: “Who wants to
practice music correctly and judiciously, [-f.55r-] one must follow
the ways of the ancients. However, from time to time one also must
perfect it with the aid of other disciplines, and must appoint
philosophy as its pedagogue. Philosophy, in fact, is able to
establish what is suitable in music.” Nevertheless, it is doubtless
that, it was very hard for Plutarch's contemporaries to imitate the
music of the ancients, so much so that the comic poet Eupolis
introduced Anaxilas deriding those who dared to write in a new style.
Caelius Rhodiginus, book nine, chapter one, says: “There is a
famous statement by the composer and poet Eupolis regarding the
declamation of music, in which he declares this task as deep and
winding. In fact, [-f.55v-] in his Hyacinthus, Anaxilas states; “By
God, music produces a new monstrous beast every year, just as Libia
does.” This being so, how could be even imagine to be able to
imitate the compositions written by the ancients in the Dorian,
Phrigian or Lydian mode, if, to tell the truth, we do not know what
they were, but for kind of misty relationship? Moreover, if we want
to talk about of the Enharmonic, Chromatic and Diatonic genus, who
will be able to write a composition in the Enharmonic genus, since it
decayed and was overlooked by the ancients, who were much more
knowledgeable than we are in music? [-f.56r-] Who shall want to drown
in the Chromatic, which was also relinquished by the ancients and of
which we know little or nothing? It is also necessary to admit that,
if we do not yet understand this Diatonic genus, which is so natural
and extremely easy compared to the others, on which foundation shall
we dare to try out these other tones, as we do not have the knowledge
necessary to compose in them? It may be the case, that, as I am not
very familiar with them, I am bound to encounter such great
difficulty, but I would like to see some compositions by some good
composers, so that I may learn what I do not know. [-f.56v-]
Macrobius,
in his commentary to the Somnium Scipionis, book two, chapter one,
writes that, of all the numbers, only six find application in music:
“Of all the immense variety of numbers, however, only a small and
limited number have been found to be useful in music practice. In
fact, they are six in all, namely, 1 and 1/3, 1 and ½, double,
treble, quadruple and 9/8.” Five consonances originate in these
ratios, respectively, Diatessaron, Diapente, Diapason, Diapason and
Diapente, and Disdiapason, which produce the melodies in every tone
or genus, albeit in different ways and manners, and it accounts for
their [-f.57r-] variety and difference.
Chapter seventeen. That it is very difficult to have precise knowledge of
musical matters and to pass judgement on them.
If
music is an extremely difficult discipline, judging it is equally
difficult. Plutarch states: “Moreover, one must consider that those
who are knowledgeable in music do not have sufficient competence to
judge it. In fact, it appears to be impossible that there should be
an expert musician, and one who had the ability to judge music, may
arise from all the branches [-f.57v-] of music, namely, from vocal
and instrumental competence and, also, from aural practice, which
relates to the understanding of timbre, voices and combining of
rhythms, and, moreover, from the harmonic and rhythmic mastery
itself, and from the discernment and quick-thinking that apply to
beats and diction, and from whichever other parts of music remain. We
shall try to illustrate the reasons why we cannot be deemed to be
able to judge on the basis of the knowledge and understanding of all
those parts of music.” Thus, Plutarch continues [-f.58r- by listing
the reasons, as he believes very difficult that one may achieve the
ability to pass judgement on music: “Therefore, if a music expert
masters the faculty of judging, there is no doubt that he shall be
versed in music. In fact, if one knows the Dorian mood, without the
ability to judge what is appropriate for it and what suits it,
certainly will not know what one does, and shall not be able to
maintain the character and nature of the mode. In fact, the Dorians
themselves are divided as to whether those who are competent in
Enharmonic compositions are capable do judge Dorian compositions
accurately or otherwise, as some believe.” He then continues:
“First of all, one has to understand that the the whole discipline
of those elements that constitute music, are a kind of a habit, that
has not yet grasped the reason why certain matters that are taught to
the learner have to be learned. Then, one must consider why the
numbering of modes is not yet applied to such instruction and
learning, which is that most learners are taught what pleases both
the teacher and the learner, albeit this is not what wise men do, as
they despise and resent such temerity.” Gellius, in the sixteenth
book, chapter eighteen, says: “There is also another species of
canonics that is called metrics, through which the relationship and
organisation of long, short and medium syllables is examined and
measured by the ear in accordance with the principles of geometry,
but, according to Marcus Varro, either we do not learn such a
subject, or we give up before we understand why we need to learn it.”
Therefore, if very learned persons, who understood such genera very
well, consider such matters very difficult to understand and
practice, I do not know how nowadays they would turn out to be easy
to understand, practice, and evaluate.
Chapter
eighteen. That modern music is too effeminate, enervated and
lascivious.
[-f.59v-]
It was said earlier that modern music labours under many
imperfections, of which some, of no little importance, have been
already indicated. There remains a very considerable imperfection to
consider, which is that contemporary music is enervated and
lascivious more than ever before. This was also noted by others.
Onofrio Zerabino, in the second book On Nobility, chapter nine,
forbids the teaching of such music to noble children, saying: “Is
it not that sort of music that is practised by mercenary and lowly
individuals in the most abject way, to base aims and for vile
financial gain, which must be avoided by all children of noble birth
[-f.60r-] as disreputable, and it must be despised profoundly, as
unworthy of their status, their profession and their own aims?”
Also, Ludovico Zuccolo, in his Discourse on the theory of the Italian
verse, refers to it in this way: “On the contrary, we could perhaps
say with a degree of certainty that our century has capitulated, in
good part, to a excess of frivolity and lasciviousness, because it is
inebriated excessively with music.” He adds, a little further on:
“I would not dare to say whether enervated and lascivious music is
corrupting good morals itself, or, rather, if nowadays moral
corruption [-f.60v-] produces similarly degenerate music. What is
certain is that, if lascivious and effeminate music does not corrupt
harmonious social living, nevertheless they foment effeminacy and
lasciviousness.” He said, a little earlier: “Moreover, the fault
of the variety of short Italian verses, (already employed by ancient
poems and disregarded by Petrarch and by the other writers of perfect
judgement as untruthful and unable to convey continuous concepts)
becoming fashionable again in droves must be ascribed entirely to the
change in musical style, which is more enervated, delicate and
lascivious than it used to be amongst us, [-f.61r-] and which spread
years ago from France to Italy. Moreover, our poets, not content with
the madrigal, which is now much cornier and more enervated than the
ancient one, have produced the many forms of tender and effeminate
canzonette that we read nowadays, in order to please the composers.
Thus, music is not modelled on the verses, but the verses are
accommodated to the music contrary to the way it should be, while
poetry loses every modesty and decorum, and it transformed, so to
speak, from a modest damsel into a lascivious whore. Thus, the Muses,
who portrayed traditionally as inhabiting the mountains and the
woods, sanctuary of Diana, can only be spotted [-f.61v-] in
lascivious Venus' back alleys.” I am very sorry that the ancient
gentiles abhorred the sort of music that is embraced by us Christians
with great dishonour to ourselves. Plutarch writes that the ancients
did not want to practise that sort of music, not because they were
unable to compose it, but because they knew that it was unworthy and
corrosive of respectable mores: “I believe that it has been proven,
thus far, that the ancients abstained from enervated, tender and
languid musical styles not because of ignorance or incompetence, but
deliberately. What is so strange in this, when we see that many
institutions have died out in the space of a human live, when the
have become obsolete and they have been rejected not because of
ignorance, but deliberately [-f.62r-] and advisedly, once it had
become understood and proven that they contradicted their purpose and
the sense of decency in some measure.
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